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CANADIANS SPEAK OUT AGAINST THE WAR ON YUGOSLAVIA
From: Marjaleena Repo/Campaign for Canada
Subject: CANADIANS SPEAK OUT AGAINST THE WAR ON YUGOSLAVIA:
PRESS CONFERENCE #4
Date: Monday, April 26, 1999
AD HOC COMMITTEE TO STOP CANADA'S PARTICIPATION IN THE WAR ON
YUGOSLAVIA
STOP THE BOMBING OF YUGOSLAVIA: PRESS CONFERENCE IV, Part 1
(question period to follow)
Prominent Canadians Speak Out Against Canada's Participation in an Illegal and Unjust War;
press conferences convened by David Orchard, author, farmer, leader of the fight for
Canada's independence from the U.S., candidate for the leadership of the Progressive
Conservative Party Of Canada in 1998 (placed second)
Vancouver, B.C., Friday April 23, 1999
DAVID ORCHARD: We have several speakers here today. Our first speaker is Mr. Fred
Cooper who has 35 years with the federal civil service in both the military and a civilian
capacity; for 3 years he chaired NATO's industrial planning committee.
FRED COOPER: Thank you. I didn't really expect that this would be the result of the letter I
wrote to Maclean's magazine that appeared in this week's (April 26, 99) magazine.
When I watched what was going on I felt obliged to write a letter because I'm deeply
ashamed of being a Canadian for the first time in my 66 years. I can't believe what is
happening over in Kosovo. I cannot believe that the Canadian government has allowed itself
to become involved in this. I think that what is taking place at the present time is immoral,
unjust and probably illegal under the charters of both NATO and the United Nations - and I
see it as one more example, which we were very familiar with when I was at NATO, of being
led by the nose by the Americans: what the Americans want at NATO always happens and
what they don't want doesn't happen.
I worked there for 3-1/2 years as chairman of the Industrial Planning Committee. I was the
Canadian delegate to the Industrial Planning Committee and in my job, in emergency supply
planning, I was responsible for committees for food & agriculture planning, and for petroleum
planning. And in all that time it became abundantly clear that when the Americans wanted
something to happen, it happened; and when they didn't want it to happen, it didn't happen. I
don't understand why we have allowed the Canadian government to get us into this situation.
We don't belong over there. NATO has no right under the Charter, as I ever understood it,
to be engaged in attacking a sovereign country. I don't care what the country did in terms of
its internal strife. We could use any one of a dozen other examples. We could have gone into
parts of the former Soviet Union if we're going to use what's happening in Kosova as an
example of justification. We didn't go into Russia. We didn't go into East Timor. We didn't go
into any one of a dozen places around the world: why are we doing this now? I don't know. I
don't understand it. It is wrong and I am deeply ashamed of the fact that I spent all those
years working there.
I spent 3-1/2 years with the Air Force in the Air Division in France serving with NATO, and I
was proud of it! I'm not so sure any more because NATO is doing something which I believe
is fundamentally wrong. And the Canadian government is doing something which I believe is
fundamentally wrong. I simply cannot believe that we have allowed our government to
unilaterally determine that we are going to be engaged in what is a war. They can call it what
they like; they didn't call Korea a war either until it was over, and many years after it was
over they decided that maybe it was a war. And I just find this whole thing repulsive and
wrong from every aspect that you can look at it. There isn't one thing that I can think of - and
I've thought about it quite a bit - that possibly justifies the fact that the Canadian government
is involved in this.
Now they're talking about sending in ground troops and I would like to know something: I
would like to know how many of Mr. Chretien's children, how many of Mr. Eggleton's
children, how many of Mr. Axworthy's children, are going to get sent over there if we sent
troops over in a ground war that will be a total disaster. We are going to be going into a
country that has a long, long history of guerilla warfare, and they're very good at it ... and it's a
terrible, mountainous country where we're going to go in and we won't win - we can't win.
And I just wish somebody would get the Canadian government to explain to the people of
Canada how they're doing this, and how they're doing this with no vote. In fact, Mr. Chretien
has already said that if the subject of sending in ground troops comes up that it will be done
and there will be no vote. To me that is fundamentally wrong. I think that one could make a
case for the fact that our Prime Minister, our Minister for External Affairs, our Minister of
National Defence could be described as war criminals at the present moment - and may very
well be by international court before this is over. And I, for one, am totally, fundamentally
opposed to it, and I will remain that way no matter what they say in justification, because
there is none. Thank you.
DAVID ORCHARD: Thank you very much, Mr. Cooper. Our second speaker is Roland
Keith. Rollie Keith has a 32 year military career. He's a retired college history sessional
instructor. He's a lifelong student of conflict and conflict resolution and he recently completed
a tour of duty in Kosovo where he was the director of the Kosovo Polje Field Office of the
Kosovo Verification Mission. Mr. Keith just returned three weeks ago from on the ground in
Yugoslavia. It's a pleasure to have you here.
ROLLIE KEITH: Well, thank you very much, David. Like the other speakers here today I
have been trying to put some balance on what I think is a media disinformation, or media
ignorance, campaign in the rationality and the justification for the hostilities currently taking
place in Yugoslavia.
Now, as David said, I just spent 2 months as director of a field office just outside the capital
Pristina - very intense 2 months, very interesting, with a great deal of anxiety I might add. But
in my opinion what I witnessed and what I saw - and I did go in with some knowledge of the
history of the problems, the history of the area-I saw nothing, witnessed nothing or heard
nothing to justify the arial bombardment of Yugoslavia, which I think is completely
unjustifiable. I saw no mass humanitarian crises, disaster and human rights abuses were within
the confines, in my professional opinion, of an internal security struggle and a civil war - which
of course was taking place.
Now, the justification for this war, as I understand it, is that humanitarian disaster was
occurring. I think the information is very clear to all: there were no 600,000 international
refugees fleeing across the borders of Kosovo to other countries while we were there, when
diplomacy was taking place, when the monitoring of the Kosovo Verification Mission of the
Organization for Security & Cooperation in Europe, was there.
Yes, the civil war was breaking out. Provocations were being committed - primarily, in my
professional opinion, in my area by the Albanian KLA - and there was a reaction by the
Yugoslavian authorities and consequently there was some internal displacement of peoples,
within Kosova itself. But we were dealing with that and we were building on a process to
rectify it. Had the diplomatic process gone forward I think we could have been a clear
alternative to the hostilities currently taking place.
So, we have justified these hostilities on humanitarian problems and concerns which, in my
professional opinion, were not occurring until the bombing commenced. So it doesn't take a
rocket scientist to realize that the consequences that we are now justifying the war with are
the result, either directly or indirectly, of the aerial war that we are perpetuating. And like the
previous speaker, Fred Cooper, I was very proud to have served in Canada's first peace-
keeping mission as a young soldier in the Suez in 1957. I was proud of our foreign minister,
our External Affairs Minister at that time, Lester Pearson. I was proud of Canada's role. And
I also have served as a military officer in NATO and I was proud of the defensive alliance
that has now become an aggressive alliance, unfortunately.
These acts that our government and other governments are justifying on misinformation and
disinformation with the moral certainty, I think should make all Canadians be skeptical of
what we hear and what we are told. Just let me comment on the diplomatic alternative - the
Rambouillet and the subsequent Paris negotiations that took place in February and March.
We are told by the leadership of our countries that there was no "give" by Milosovec and the
Yugoslavian delegation. Well, I would like to say that in my opinion - and I have read the
documents, I've studied them - these were not an agreement documents, these turned out to
be an ultimatum. And the ultimatum to the Yugoslavian government was surrender or be
bombarded. Well, he didn't surrender so he's being bombarded.
But we could have had an alternative in my opinion, alternatives that required the Russians to
be nvolved, alternatives that required the United Nations to be involved. And I think as
Canadians we should reinvest in the United Nations' diplomatic alternatives and demand that
our government work for an alternative to this obscene bombardment of a country that is
basically defenceless to the high-tech weaponry of NATO. Thank you very much.
DAVID ORCHARD: Thank you Mr. Keith. Our next speaker is Mrs. Kinuko Laskey who
is a founding member of the Canadian Association of Atomic Bomb Survivors. Mrs. Laskey
is a peace educator and a survivor of the Hiroshima atomic bomb. Mrs. Laskey.
KINUKO LASKEY: Thank you very much for having me here today. I see every day on TV
news and it just makes me cry, for those survivors and people who lost homes and losing
contact with families ... and much more than what you see on TV screen. I know what's going
on inside over there, and it just makes me cry everyday. And like I always say, for the sake
of the future children's happiness we must learn. No more war in this world, that's the only
way. And to be able to do that we have to refresh our memories past not a hundred years or
thousand, but from the beginning of this world, how we could keep peace. We should be
smart enough to know by now - not have war.
And small children are all the same: we smile the same, it doesn't matter where you were born
or what colour you're born - we smile, laugh and giggle in just the same way, and they are all
peaceful individuals.
I feel it is very important to have a mother and a father's love from a very small, young age.
And that's something we're missing today, very much. So children don't really understand
about the peace. We must teach them how to control themselves, how to respect each other.
It's very easy to say in a war, like I have trouble with my English, but I could say-"Respect
each other", but to do that is very hard and the only way to do is to share with your love and
understanding. And the love you have to have more than enough for yourself to share with
others. And understanding only comes by talking to each other.
War comes because you threaten the other countries. And other countries are just the same
country. If doesn't suit you, it shouldn't suit other people either. So if you talk about the
human beings' rights, you want happiness and peace, which God has given us, this beautiful
world in which we live - and peace isn't here and many children don't believe we have peace
already. But God is giving us a beautiful country, beautiful sky, beautiful earth to live on, and
we must protect what God has given us. And the men create many things because we make
changes, and some people don't like change. And God's creation cannot change. But we can
always change man's creations: if not good enough for you, shouldn't use for other people.
Survival is a very, very hard thing to do but, like me, I think I had something, a gift from God.
My angel which is my husband, he brought me to Canada and gave me all the care, all the
needs I have to have and showed me how beautiful Canada is. And in Canada there are so
many people mixed together, as you know, but we are keeping this harmony together
because we respect each other - and all the different people respect each other and keep
harmony and keep peace and happiness. But if you say, "I tell you to do this and you must do
this" and then start threatening other people, then you get threatened back because everything
that goes around comes around, comes back to you, so you must learn to love and
understanding. That's the only way for our peace. And nourish that love, start from individual,
start to be in a happy and loving place. Thank you very much.
DAVID ORCHARD: Thank you very much Mrs. Laskey. Our next speaker is Harry Rankin.
He is a distinguished Vancouver lawyer and Queen's counsel. He's a World War 2 veteran,
twice wounded and a 25 year member of Vancouver City Council. Harry Rankin.
HARRY RANKIN: Well ladies and gentlemen, friends, I come at this war from the point of
view of the dizzy ranks of a Corporal in the Canadian army. I didn't ever get much above that
- Lance Sergeant once in a while, dealt with a platoon on the ground with a little aerial map
saying go up to the next place and see what you can do and sometimes the map was good
and sometimes it wasn't and sometimes I didn't understand it and certainly I don't think that
many of the people that were with me were professional soldiers in the way that we know it
today.
We didn't have a vast war machine, we had to build one when the War started. And we had
a definable objective: to destroy Nazi Germany. I call it the Last Just War and maybe there
are no Just Wars even in that context because it had a history of the humiliation of the
Germans, the picking up their debts, making them crawl, and of course people aren't going to
crawl forever - somebody comes along and inflames them and they want to go along and
fight. Well I used to think fighting was, you know, a nice uniform, maybe some medals,
maybe red blood on a bandage. Well, bandages don't have red blood on them, they have
brown blood on them, they're caked.
There are no medals, there are no nice uniforms. You just stagger along. And this jingoism of
war of course is a very simple thing. Every generation has it and you have some atrocities to
put forward. The First World War would be a baby impaled on a German sword. The stories
are multitudinous, they're all the same.
But I think there's a difference today. People are better educated, they know more, they're
driven down by more propaganda, by more lies, by the whole structure of a war machine that
the world has never seen before: it's called NATO. I don't know whether NATO was ever
any good. I take the word from my friends that it did perform some useful roles. I would
rather it had never been born, it had been strangled in the crib. So I differ to that extent with
my friends: war machines are war machines. What we need is a peace machine.
And I want to just deal with our Parliament. You know, for 5-1/2 years we fought a war - no
conscription, because the French Canadian government - I don't mean the people, there were
all kinds of French Canadian soldiers in the Army - didn't want conscription. The result of that
was we had half-platoons, we never did have 35 men to a platoon, we'd have 17 or 18. That
causes more casualties when you have less men. We staggered through and the country kept
together based on the fact that there was a policy of government and there is a lot of
screaming going on. I wasn't a party to the screaming because I wasn't here, but certainly this
country was wracked with discussions as to what should be done. This country was wracked
with discussions as to how to deal with the Japanese Canadians. How did we deal with them?
Much like a "humanitarian" German would deal with them. We had nicer concentration
camps, but there they went.
So all these things have happened before. The only thing is we had a Parliament that at least
discussed them. And the issue I want to deal with is: where are my MPs? where the hell are
they? They mutter and they talk; they have no knowledge of what's going on. Not a single
party has come out, not a single MP has come out and said "This war is an atrocity and
should end!" Not one of them! People that I fought and had voted for and worked for all my
life are silent or they agree with the war! Not a debate in Parliament, not a single debate that
means something.
And we're going to go into a land war, they say: you've already agreed to an air war, so now
you've got to agree to the land war. Maybe there'll be a little muttering back and forth, but I'd
like to see one MP stand up and say what my friends here have said. We may have some
disagreements in this issue or that issue. You know, when somebody talks about the
atrocities: war itself is obscene, war itself is an atrocity - and you can't start to figure out the
little bits and pieces that make it that way. Somebody gets even with somebody or other. All
kinds of things occur - that some woman is raped... I don't know whether the Serb army is
raping women. I never had time in the War I was in, and I didn't see anybody else who had
time. Now I'm not saying that didn't happen, but I'm simply saying to inflame people on minor
issues - and they're not minor in the sense of it happening - and to ignore the major issue,
what is this war about? What are its objectives? What starts it?
Right now I listen to Tony Blair on the air and I am infuriated by his sickening smile as he
describes the question that Serbia, Yugoslavia, has got to back down - a little tinpot fellow, a
Social Democrat - unfortunately - who says that they've got to back down completely and I
support my boss Clinton in Washington and this is the way it's gonna happen. And then I hear
that the Serbs have said we'll discuss an international force here, an international force, by that
I mean I guess the United Nations - that's what I always thought was the "international force."
And they're pooh-poohing that, they're pushing it to one side, ignoring it, as though they want
this war to continue.
And I listen to these NATO people, with their glasses on, people around 30 or 35, as
bloodthirsty as hell. I've never seen a soldier as bloodthirsty as those people! Not one of
them will, and somebody's said that here, will ever send their own children. The American
Army is a conscript army - economic conscripts, racial conscript of black people: people
who can't get into the system can go into the Army. Clinton himself dodged the war. Now
that shows some intelligence, but he dodged it for the wrong reason of course, not because
he's opposed to war: he's opposed to himself going to war, but not to other people going to
war. At the end of the day, you pick up ordinary young people and you send them into a
hostile country and the people in that hostile country are going to go and fire at them and
they're gonna know the terrain, etc.
If we think we're in a bad shape now, we're in an indefensible shape, when we decide that
we're going to go in there. Who are the greatest leaders of intervention with a land force?
Chrétien! Sure, he won't go to war. I'm sure his children won't go to war. I'm sure none of his
relatives will go to war. I'm sure they will eat well, they will have a bed to sleep in, the rain
won't be pouring down on them, they won't be digging trenches for people to dump into, they
won't be putting tents up. None of that will happen to them. They talk of this war as though
it's an academic thing. Well I've got news for everybody: it's not academic when you go
there! And when you lay out in the rain and the cold and the snow and the sleet and when
somebody's firing at you and you think the whole bloody army's dumping their shells on you
personally - you get a little paranoid at that stage.
I don't know whether any of these people have any idea of what's going on. But the thing that
inflames my anger is that not a single MP will stand up and outline and discuss these things
and say what are our objectives, what is happening? Even that term "ethnic cleansing" leaves
me. I'm sure that it's something less than genocide, we were discussing that briefly. Genocide
is the German policy that you kill people because they're Jews, you kill them because they're
Gypsies, you kill them because they're homosexuals, you kill them because they're mentally
defective: you make the plan, you carry it out. Now they're not talking about genocide here.
Ethnic cleansing may well be the result of a civil war where people start to speak out. One
side takes one thing, one another, they get pushed around, a police station is bombed, the
police come out and kill a few other people - well, you see, that's happening all over. I never
heard a word about Rwanda. A million people died. Are black people less likely to bleed
than white people? That's what it sounds like. Or down in East Timor - are brown people less
likely to bleed red blood than white people? Has it just got to be something that happens to
whitepeople? You see, the whole thing is crazy. Nobody is getting up and logically discussing
with the people of Canada, and the people of Canada may be the best educated people in the
world but they are also the best in being deluded and bombarded by the massive propaganda.
And the propaganda is endless. And we hear Clinton on the radio and TV endlessly. And we
hear the people from NATO kind of fat faced, they're all well-fleshed people, you know -
with glasses, and they're studious, and they're telling us what can happen. And generals get
up. You know, I know of some generals. There's one or two I knew personally. They led,
because they were commanders, on the Front. The rest of them are flabby people that sit on
their ass miles back and direct other people to die. They did it in the First World War in great
numbers; they did it in the Second World War; and they did it in every other war that's along.
You see, Patton come off with his six guns, you see McArthur "I will return." Why didn't he
goddam well stay there instead of returning?!
You know, all of these people - the hypocrites that pass all my understanding, everything I
understand about, they're total hypocrites. Nobody can understand war except through their
Members of Parliament debating it so that the thing comes out and there's some logic and you
understand where we're going and why we're going there.
The reason there's no debate is, there's really nothing to debate that's in our favour! Did you
ever think of that? The reason there's no debate is they can't muster a real argument. They
can only become jingoistic and people decide that, you know, they're going to - "my country
right or wrong" - they're going to stand up and talk about it. And somebody goes here and
somebody goes there. I listen to people who I thought represented me. And I am disgusted, I
am ashamed, I am absolutely outraged that they should not now get up and raise the issues.
They can say, when the thing started, well, I wasn't prepared, I didn't know what was
happening - that does happen. I've been on councils where you're stampeded into a debate. I
don't want to tell you that every motion of Council's is something I look back on with
nostalgia: we make errors. The thing that separates human beings from numbskulls is that they
don't continue on with their errors. And I want my Members of Parliament, every one of them
no matter what spectrum they come from, to tell me what we're doing there and what are the
objectives and what evidence do they have as to what is happening. And until that happens
we're going to flounder on and on and on. The only guarantee of peace in this country is the
people of this country. And if we forget that, we forget everything.
DAVID ORCHARD: Thank you very much, Mr. Rankin. And I'll just make a short
statement and then we'll take questions.
Our country has launched an unprovoked and an illegal attack on a small nation. This is an
attack that is illegal on a whole number of fronts. It's illegal under the U.N. Charter which
guarantees the security of nations. It's illegal under NATO's own charter which states that
NATO is a defensive organization to respond to an attack on a member state. Yugoslavia has
not attacked any member state or threatened any member state of NATO; in fact, Yugoslavia
has not threatened any other country at all.
The Nuremberg Trial ruled at the end of the Second World War that to initiate a war of
aggression is not only an international crime, it is the supreme international crime. And this is
exactly what our country has done.
We are told that we are bombing the Yugoslavian government to get them to sign the
Rambouillet peace agreement. First of all, as was pointed out by Mr. Keith, the Rambouillet
agreement was not an agreement, it was an ultimatum. And the Vienna Convention, article 52,
states that "the use of force or the threat of force to obtain a signature to a treaty renders that
treaty null and void" - so that's the fourth ground on which our actions are illegal. And the fifth
is that we're using outlawed weapons in this war on Yugoslavia. We are using cluster bombs,
NATO has admitted as much. We've dropped cluster bombs on Pristina and other places in
Kosovo. And we are using missiles that are coated with depleted uranium. The US aircraft,
the A10, the so-called "Warthog" is firing missiles coated with depleted uranium: upon impact
these missiles burn and the radioactivity is released. So we're leaving a legacy of death and
destruction and misery over Yugoslavia that will last for decades to come.
We're told that we are involved in an action that is just targeting military targets. That is pure
nonsense. The military targets that Yugoslavia had, the bulk of them were taken out in the first
few nights of bombing. We are now systematically targeting civilian targets. There's been over
150 schools and churches hit. We've blown up chemical plants, releasing toxic fumes over the
city of Belgrade and other cities. We've blown up over 100 factories that provided the
workplace, jobs for over 500,000 people. We're now blowing up their television stations
because apparently we can't even stand another view of the war being released to the people
of the world.
We're bombing essentially a helpless population. Yugoslavia has admitted they no longer have
the capacity to even set off an air raid warning when a bomb attack is coming. So we're
essentially bombing an open, helpless city.
And like Mr. Rankin, the implications for democracy are something that bother me
profoundly. Anyone can be bombed at any time. In fact, as the Archbishop of the Serbian
Orthodox Church said the other night, the message of this bombing of NATO is that the only
sovereign countries left in the world are those that have nuclear weapons - because they're
the only ones that cannot be attacked with impugnity. And I think that's the message that
we're putting out.
Mr. Clinton yesterday responded to the tragedy in the school in Colorado. And he said, We
have to teach our young people to solve their conflicts with words not weapons. Well for any
thinking person who can watch him and Tony Blair and Mr. Chretien and Mr. Axworthy on
the television night after night exhorting our people to hate the Serbian people and drop more
bombs, at the same time deploring the violence in schools-to me this action in the schools is a
direct outcome of the kind of lawlessness that is being visited on us by our leaders.
So we are calling today for an end to the bombing and a return to the rule of law.
That's the call that we're making across the country. And we're asking everyone if they'll
contact their Member of Parliament in no uncertain terms and tell them that we want the
bombing to stop and we want Canada to return to the rule of international law.
QUESTIONS (transcript to follow)
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